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January 04, 2006

Iraq vs.Bosnia
Posted by Heather Hurlburt

Before the holidays, Derek posted on Bosnia's lessons for Iraq.  Since Iraq's December elections, I've been haunted by the comparison in another respect -- the tendency of post-conflict elections to promote extremist, ethnic or confessional parties.

Commentators and the Administration seem unpleasantly surprised by the failure of secular and moderate Iraqi parties to do better in the December elections.  But they needn't have been.

Bosnia held elections less than a year after the Dayton Accords, in September 1996, and again in September 1998.  Both times, outsiders' hopes for the emergence of moderate leaders across the board were dashed.  The reason seemed pretty clear:  despite the strong presence of US and NATO troops, and a near-complete absence of violence since the war's end, the lesson that only ethnic alliances could provide any measure of security had been seared into voters' brains.

Why would we expect anything different in Iraq?

Furthermore, despite a ten-year military presence, more than 4.5 billion dollars of US and EU reconstruction aid, and a much more permissive security environment than Iraq's, ethnic-nationalist politicians remain dominant and the day that the EU and UN can disengage entirely, leaving behind a stable, fully-functioning state, remains distant.

Some of the outfits with the smartest non-partisan commentary on Iraq also happen to have great track records on Bosnia over the years, and retain tremendous in-house expertise.  (I am thinking of Crisis Group and USIP, but there are others.)  Why did all those smart folks who went out to Baghdad -- not just the neocons, but Diamond and Feldman and others -- think we could do with 26 million people living through guerrilla war what we couldn't do with 4 million people at peace in Bosnia?

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The reason seemed pretty clear: despite the strong presence of US and NATO troops, and a near-complete absence of violence since the war's end, the lesson that only ethnic alliances could provide any measure of security had been seared into voters' brains.

That's a very good point Heather.

But I would also add that if you remove a non-democratic government and hold open elections, you are likely to find that the only parties that are positioned to compete strongly are those fashioned out of existing political organizations with broad, deep and popular roots. Even in a tyrannical state like Saddam's Iraq such groups exist, although they may be proscribed in certain ways and partly clandestine. These are the groups that have the networks, financial backers, mailing lists, fund-raising capabilities, membership lists, phone lists, organizational structure, and boots on the ground that will enable them to make the rapid change to an organized political party in a democratic system.

Prior to the war, as I understand it, there were five major organized political groups in or out of Iraq with a strong popular constituency inside the country: the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the Kurdish Democratic Party, Da'wa, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq and the Ba'ath Party. Obviously only the latter possessed institutionally sanctioned power, but the others were there. After the removal of Saddam's regime, the Ba'ath Party was proscribed, and so it doesn't seem very surprising that the other four have dominated the political scene in Iraq since then.

It's not only that people band together out of fear along sectarian or ethnic lines. What is equally important is that if that is the way people are already organized, whether from fear or some other reason, we can expect that system of political organization to survive the change in regime. On the other hand, if you invade a country in which the only organized and popular political group outside the official power structure is the Communist Party - for example - then if you remove the government and hold open elections, you can expect the Communist Party to compete very strongly.

The US seems to have hoped that two other groups, the Iraqi National Accord or the Iraqi National Congress, would play a stronger role. But so far as I can tell, these were mainly expatriot groups, with no popular constituency to speak of inside Iraq. We might also recall that whatever power they did possess collectively was diminished by the fact that they were rivals for US backing, and the US government was divided between those in the State Department and the CIA who favored the INA, and those at Defense who favored the INC.

Why did all those smart folks who went out to Baghdad -- not just the neocons, but Diamond and Feldman and others -- think we could do with 26 million people living through guerrilla war what we couldn't do with 4 million people at peace in Bosnia?

I would say that what all these people have in common is that they believed that there was a subterranean, but widespread popular hankering in Iraq for constitutional democratic liberalism, with a strong Iraqi nationalist component - in other words political "moderates" by US standards. They imagined that once the oppressive shackles were released, a liberal democratic movement with national scope would fire up by spontaneous political combustion. But it looks like not that many Iraqis were really interested in such an American-style political development.

I think it is also worth noting that the myths of the invasion period are still perpetuated by dubious and culturally chauvinistic hypotheses that are now used to explain away the absence of the desired "moderate" liberal movement. For example, many seem inclined to believe that the absence of this movement shows that there is something "wrong" with the Iraqis - for example, that they must have been so deeply "traumatized" by their experiences of the last few decades (or centuries?) that they are unable to act rationally. This is a very pernicious belief, since it can lead one to believe that mentally healthy people are always nationalist, democratic liberals, and to expect that once the Iraqi people are "cured" they will fall into the hoped-for political pattern.

The old Vietnam-era saw that said "inside every gook is an American waiting to get out" seems just as strong as ever.

The old Vietnam-era saw that said "inside every gook is an American waiting to get out" seems just as strong as ever

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