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August 18, 2010

Historical Hypocrisy: Paula DeSutter Talks Verification
Posted by Kelsey Hartigan

Puh-lease.  Paula DeSutter’s attempted criticism of the verification measures in the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty is hypocritical, untrue, and in clear contradiction to her not-so-stellar track record when it comes to verification.

As Assistant Secretary of State for Verification, Compliance, and Implementation (VCI), Paula DeSutter was the Bush administration’s go-to person for all things verifiable—which makes her sudden concern for stringent verification measures seem just a teensie bit disingenuous.   

First, her assertion that the Obama administration “could have extended the START treaty,” is well, a lie.  In 2007, it was DeSutter who announced that the United States would not seek to extend the START Treaty.  Check this out:  

While the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty or START "has been important and for the most part has done its job," Assistant Secretary of State Paula DeSutter told Reuters the pact is cumbersome and its complicated reporting standards have outlived their usefulness.

In the post-Cold war era, many provisions of the 1991 START accord, which mandated deep nuclear weapons cuts, "are no longer necessary. We don't believe we're in a place where we need have to have the detailed lists (of weapons) and verification measures," added DeSutter.

As someone who thought all of those boring details and provisions in START were “cumbersome” and “no longer necessary” it’s quite ironic that DeSutter is now going after the Obama administration for allegedly agreeing to “gut the monitoring and verification measures and limitations necessary to render [New START] effectively verifiable.” How odd. 

Multiple military and national security experts from both sides of the aisle have testified before Congress that New START—and its strong verification regime— is essential to our national security.  After 18 hearings, three classified briefings, the submission of nearly 800 questions for the record, and an extended review period, DeSutter’s accusation that the administration is seeking to “ram New START through the Senate with minimal examination…” is once again, a bit disingenuous.  Especially when compared to the review process for the 2002 Moscow Treaty (trust me…I’ll get to that in a second) which passed on a 95-0 vote, after just six hearings.   

Finally, let’s not forget that DeSutter has a track record when it comes to verification and arms control treaties.  And it ain’t pretty.  The Bush administration, for whom DeSutter served, repeatedly took long-standing verification measures, threw them out the window, and flipped them the bird as a final farewell.  This much is clear in at least three major instances:   

Strike one:  Verification and the Biological Weapons Convention

Courtesy of my friends at ACA, this little nugget sums it all up:  “Beginning in 1995, states-parties to the BWC began negotiations to fashion a legally binding protocol of verification measures, including on-site inspections, for the instrument…Six months after taking office, the Bush administration announced its opposition to the proposed protocol, sinking it.”

Strike two:  Verification and a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty

Washington had subscribed since 1995 to negotiating an effectively verifiable FMCT, but the Bush administration reversed course in July 2004 and announced that it no longer thought an FMCT could be effectively verified, a reversal that once again, sank any hope for progress. 

Strike three, you’re out:  Verification (or lack thereof) and the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty

Perhaps the number one reason why Paula DeSutter has absolutely no authority to speak on New START’s verification regime is the fact that in 2002, the Bush administration—for whom she served—negotiated a three-page treaty with Russia that contained no verification provisions, no definitions, and frankly, no real substance.  Commonly called the “SORT-of-a-treaty,” the pact relied on the verification provisions of START 1, which as we all know, expired on December 5, 2009. 

DeSutter openly admitted that SORT is not effectively verifiable, but said that mattered little because of the friendlier U.S.-Russian relationship.

So this all begs the question—why, given DeSutter’s flagrant disregard for verification measures in the past, is she suddenly so concerned with telemetry exchanges, re-entry vehicle on-site inspections, limits on the number of re-entry vehicles that can be loaded on ballistic missiles—and all of that other “cumbersome” crap that as of 2007, she said was “no longer necessary?”  

Sure beats me.

UPDATE:  Kingston Reif over at Nukes of Hazard reminds us of all of the lovely things conservatives said about the "simplicity and brevity" of SORT.  Greg Thielmann has also weighed in on DeSutter's commentary in his new piece for ACA. 

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While the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty or START "has been important and for the most part has done its job," Assistant Secretary of State Paula DeSutter told Reuters the pact is cumbersome and its complicated reporting standards have outlived their usefulness.

In the post-Cold war era, many provisions of the 1991 START accord, which mandated deep nuclear weapons cuts, "are no longer necessary. We don't believe we're in a place where we need have to have the detailed lists (of weapons) and verification measures," added DeSutter.
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