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March 12, 2009

The Value of Tehran-ology
Posted by Ilan Goldenberg

Matt Duss is obviously right when he writes that if you are looking to understand Iranian foreign policy, the most important person to observe is Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.  And when conservatives try to use some of Ahmadinejad's crazier statements to paint Iran as an existential threat , they are misrepresenting a much more complicated situation.  But I do think Duss underestimates the value of what he calls "Tehran-ology."  You do need to look beyond Khamenei to try and understand how Iran might react, even on foreign policy issues.

First, the Iranian political system is incredibly complex with multiple power centers.  Khamenei might have ultimate say but it's not all about him.  This USIP brief on the structure of the Iranian government gives a pretty good breakdown.  It explains:

While the constitution establishes four branches of government—the executive, the legislative, the judicial, and the office of the Faqih (Supreme Guide)—significant sources of power in the Islamic Republic lie outside the parameters of the constitution. Elections are semi-competitive and elected officials wield some measure of authority, but decision-making is consensual rather than unilateral and informal networks frequently supercede their formal counterparts, contributing to the opacity of the Iranian system.


In other words, the whole system is quite complex and involves multiple actors.  Tehran-ology is the only way to try and understand it.

In fact, there are examples where the President has forced the Supreme Leader's hand, even on issues of foreign policy.  When Ahmadinejad was elected in 2005 his version of firebrand populism was very popular with the Iranian public.  In fact, it was so popular that the clerical establishment and Khamenei felt somewhat boxed in and began using more heated rhetoric and publicly adopting some of Ahmadinejad's positions on foreign policy as well as domestic policy.   As his popularity has declined so has his ability to influence Khameini and set the terms of the public discourse in Iran.

In another example, in the late 1990s the threat posed to Khamenei by the very popular reformist president Mohammad Khatami played a role in stifling the possibility of a break through between the United States and Iran.  Khatami's high profile outreach to the United States and the Western World, a policy that was quite popular inside Iran, caused Khamenei to stomp out the possibility of an opening. One of the factors in that decision was that it would be too much of a boon to Khatami's popularity.  A breakthrough would have been more likely, and is still more likely, if a close Khamenei ally is sitting in the presidency so that Khamenei and his allies could take full credit.

So, it's true that Khamenei is the most important player.  But his relationship to the president and the other key power brokers is important and will be a factor in decision making on foreign policy.   And as long as that is the case, Tehran-ology will be necessary.

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Matt Duss agrees with Maloney, calling IRPSA not only “ineffective” but “counterproductive” as well. It offers “Iran’s hardliners a powerful propaganda lifeline, and would likely facilitate greater regime consolidation right at the moment that the conservative consensus around Ahmadinejad is starting to crack up.

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