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February 13, 2008

The Hard-Hearted Left By George Packer
Posted by David Shorr

I can only add a little to what Matt Yglesias has to say about George Packer's new essay about Americans' views of the Iraq War. First, I will acknowledge that Packer's depiction of the human cost of the war is a public service. It is a limited one, however, and the limit is the point where Packer draws a cartoon of the domestic political debate about the war (as Matt points out).

Packer basically accuses war critics of betraying their own better judgment and principles. We are so vengeful against the authors of the war that "what began badly, must also end badly." What's the hidden assumption here? That our continued, open-ended military presence can make it 'end well.' If Packer has war critics' number, I wouldn't have, as someone who didn't support the invasion, waited more than 2-1/2 years to conclude we should get out. Some of us wanted it to end well and only gradually concluded that it couldn't -- or that we couldn't make it so by our continued occupation.

Second, on the charge that liberals are the sort of people who you would expect to show solidarity with the insurgents' victims. Well, in a way this is the same issue. In between solidarity and an extended military occupation lie numerous links of logic. This reminds me of the humanitarian intervention argument for the war, which Human Rights Watch head Kenneth Roth debunked very effectively in January 2004. The fallacy is: 'they're bad guys, so we should fight them.' There was indeed a very good argument for a humanitarian intervention in Iraq -- in 1989, 1990, or 1991 when Saddam was carrying out the worst of his mass killings. But as Roth points out,

the extraordinary remedy of humanitarian intervention should not be used simply to secure justice for past crimes. This extreme step, as noted, should be taken only to stop current or imminent slaughter, not to punish past abuse.

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It's an interesting contrast. George Packer, having immersed himself in Iraq and its agony, writes to complain that Americans are not interested in understanding the Iraq war on its terms. Ackerman, Yglesias and Shorr, products of their generation, write to complain that Packer is not interested in understanding Ackerman, Yglesias and Shorr on their terms.

Packer -- I think to make a point, though I may be wrong -- gives rather too much credit to the way an earlier generation of Americans dealt with Vietnam. Most of the films, for example, that treated American soldiers in Vietnam as complex human beings got made only after the war was over, and the public reaction as South Vietnam finally collapsed and Cambodia descended into horror was little more than a collective shrug. This doesn't invalidate Packer's point about the distance of most of the American public discussion about the Iraq war from the reality of the Iraq war. This point, actually, seems inarguable. Just turn on the television or log onto one of the more widely read political blogs. What do you see?

Most of Packer's piece is about this distance, but it is the few paragraphs he devotes explicitly to the polarized political back-and-forth about the war that have struck a nerve here. I suppose there are several reasons for this, but one is surely that Packer -- while not precisely endorsing the idea that the administration's most zealous supporters on Iraq policy and many of its bitterest opponents are close to being two sides of the same coin -- doesn't specifically rule it out either. This idea is abhorrent both to George Bush's remaining supporters and the hard core of his critics; both are much more deeply invested in their relationship with each other than they are with the Iraq situation, and neither is particularly self-aware about this fact.

About Bush's supporters I have little to say; apart from those among them who have managed to cash in on their zeal for whatever the President's policy is, Bush's supporters have gladly allowed themselves to be used over and over for years, just so they could shake their fists at the same liberals they've always shaken their fists at. Bush's liberal critics have a much higher opinion of themselves than to stoop to that, at least until a Democrat moves back into the White House. But before they start venting their resentment at being misunderstood or not appreciated, by George Packer or anyone else, they might reflect on how ineffective they have been since 2003.

I mean, honestly. What has George Bush wanted with respect to the Iraq war that he has not gotten? What about the current tide of public opinion against the war would not have developed without all the liberal bloggers and activists who have been so vocal? What have they changed about the way the American military has approached Iraq, or about the way it has treated American soldiers returning from the war? Assume for the sake of argument that George Packer, painting with a broad brush, mischaracterizes the motives or feelings of liberal bloggers with respect to Iraq, and suppose he had restricted himself to saying that in almost five years they haven't accomplished a damn thing.

I don't know how one would argue against that proposition. In any event, Packer does not advance it. He writes instead about Iraq, and Americans' distance from what is happening in Iraq, and within mere hours reaction to his argument confirms its force.

There was indeed a very good argument for a humanitarian intervention in Iraq -- in 1989, 1990, or 1991 when Saddam was carrying out the worst of his mass killings.


Is there much evidence that an occupation would have gone better in 1991 than in 2003? People who believe in humanitarian intervention should have an answer to that question.

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