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November 18, 2007

DOD's Pakistan Aid Spells Trouble
Posted by Gordon Adams

I have been warning for some time that authority over our national security policies and programs was slipping away from the foreign policy part of the executive branch and being absorbed in the Pentagon, while Congress stood by and ignored the trend.  Iraq and Afghanistan and counter-terror operations have exacerbated this problem.  Today, the DOD "foreign assistance" programs for Pakistan are in trouble, and it is no surprise.

In a column I wrote for the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists on February 5, 2007, I made the following warning:

“Defense is also in the business of providing budget subsidies for key foreign governments. Since the war in

Afghanistan

began in 2001, Defense has made billions of dollars in direct payments to countries that have provided goods, services, and temporary basing rights for

U.S.

forces engaged in counterterrorism efforts or operations in

Iraq

and

Afghanistan

. These "budget subsidies" are separate from the traditional Economic Support Funding programs State has used for years to provide support to strategically important partners. This expansion has been a trend for some years, but it has accelerated since 2001. Today, Defense seeks to conduct such programs independent of State's policy guidance and programs.” 

------------------------------

The Los Angeles Times of November 18, 2007 reports that the Pentagon is looking into Coalition Support payments to Pakistan (of which $5.3 b have been made to date), because documentation of the Pakistani spending supposedly being reimbursed is too thin to tell whether the funds were spent for operations that supported the war on terror, or just went into Pakistani coffers to support whatever the Pakistanis felt they wanted to do with them. 

One unnamed official, who tracks these payments, told the LA Times: “"Backdoor subsidies is what it can look like to some more skeptical observers, because there hasn't been good oversight and the amounts involved have been so great. There is suspicion that it's a slush fund."

No kidding! Count me a “skeptical observer.” So now the Pentagon, which has no expertise at making foreign assistance payments directly to other governments or at tracking them after they are made, are going to play catch-up ball with this program.

The government already has such a program and tracking system – it is called the Economic Support Funds program, with a policy decision process run by the State Department, and an implementation process run by USAID.

But, given that Don Rumsfeld’s Pentagon had no faith in or lost love for State when the war started, all those emergency supplementals for the so-called Global War on Terror, or GWOT gave the funding to Defense, and Defense, alone, with no cross-check with the foreign policy institutions of American government.

This program just continues a sad and sorry trend toward the dismantling of our foreign policy institutions, imperfect as they are, and the empowerment of the Defense Department to conduct our nation’s foreign and security policy. Today DOD is increasingly doling out the funds that support that policy, whether they are Coalition Support Funds for Pakistan (and Jordan and others), or emergency reconstruction aid through the military’s Commander’s Emergency Response Program (CERP - over $3 b. since 2004), or the big kahuna, a military assistance program called “Train and Equip” for which we have already spent over $20 b. in Afghanistan and Iraq, which is now going global.

These programs all have their analogs at State-USAID, whether it is ESF, devel,opment assistance, or Foreign Military Financing. But all this activity is going on outside the foreign policy authorities of State, or, at best, with the “concurrence” of the Secretary of State. But DOD draws up and implements the programs, using their own budget and their own authorities.

Oversight on these programs fails in three ways. Defense has never run major foreign assistance programs in the past, so they have no preparation for conducting oversight. In any case, DOD’s mission is to get the GWOT military job done, not track spending or make sure it is aligned with overall

U.S.

foreign policy. 

State fails, too. It can only audit this spending after the fact, has a small staff to conduct such oversight, and it does not have authority to do even that with respect to Coalition Support Funds. 

Congressional oversight fails because these programs use defense funds and are not scrutinized by the Foreign Relations committees or their matching appropriators. DOD’s funds for these programs appear large, but they are a drop in the bucket in a $600 b. plus defense budget. So neither the Armed Services committees nor the defense appropriators have or take the time to give these growing programs the kind of scrutiny they require.

Coalition support funding was a disaster waiting to happen – lots of money, little oversight, and a corrupt government on the other end. It is time to reexamine whether Coalition support is even worthwhile and to take authority over these programs away from DOD, who cannot do the job, and put it where it belongs – the foreign policy institutions of the executive branch. 

And it is time for Congress to wake up and realize that its foreign relations committees are lost in the wilderness on this program, and need to sit up and take notice, before whole chunks of

U.S.

security policy are being run by DOD with little foreign policy oversight or accounting control.

 

 

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Comments

After years of hearing of US government programs that ship cash to Iraq, sometimes in bundles requiring pallets and a forklift to move, I've recently wondered whether that cash is duly appropriated by the Congress or if it is simply printed by the treasury and shipped overseas. I'm suspicious in this area, but also naive - what prevents the executive branch from printing and giving away cash without congressional approval - not printing it to pay the bills of the government, simply give it away overseas without ever putting it into general circulation? With little control over the cash when it gets to its destination, I don't have much confidence that there are controls over its origination.

Even in a war, the idea of lack of accountability over property (especially cash) seems unmilitary. As a division officer in the navy I had to sign for receipt of all equipment assigned to my division when I came on board and then have it signed for my by successor and account for any discrepancies when I left, and that was nothing compared to the rigors supply officers had for the equipment and cash in their responsibility. To hear about lack of accountability for both cash and weapons sent overseas is a striking breakdown in military accountability. I wonder if that is intentional, a lack of leadership or a result of insufficient personnel to manage accountability systems.

Gordon, this is vital work and we need the information that will be in your coming book. Your observation that primacy for national security has moved from the weakened state dept. to the pentagon is correct. It needs to be reversed, and we need to follow the money as you are doing.

Reportedly the US (Uncle Sugar) sends Pakistan dictator Musharraf $100 million a month in untraceable cash (Negroponte obviously didn't threaten that). In Iraq US army officers are handing out cash to tribal members and "concerned citizens" as protection money, and apparently the US will start buying off Pakistani tribes in the same manner. Within US forces, large cash bonuses go to people who enlist and re-enlist, and to officers who extend their commissions.

Heck, if congressman and soldiers can be bought then why not foreigners? Reminds me of the old joke about paying a lot for sex, with the punchline: We know what you are, now we're just haggling over the price.

Regarding national security policy, perhaps it should be "national security" policy. Like "the war on terror"--in quotes, because current policy is actually making the US less secure politically, militarily and financially.

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